Skip to main content

Anna Vazhaeparambil - Prompt 2

Selling ‘Girl Power’: The Assimilation of Feminist Punk Music for Mainstream Audiences During the Late-1900s

When Kathleen Hanna, lead singer of the 1990s band Bikini Kill, famously called out “girls to the front!” from the stage of one of her shows, she effectively summarized the goals of an emerging subculture of feminist punk during this era — specifically, that of the Riot Grrrl movement (Hunt, 2019). At the intersection of punk rock, fashion, and women’s rights, Riot Grrrl embodied a DIY ethos of creating new spaces in the music industry that would bring women to the forefront. However, its subsequent commodification and assimilation into mainstream pop by the early twenty-first century ultimately threatened the authenticity of this genre’s feminist messaging and its representation of marginalized communities.

The Riot Grrrl movement, which primarily originated in response to the suppression of women in the punk rock scene, closely aligns with media scholar John Fiske’s definition of popular culture in his book Understanding Popular Culture. Fiske argues that “popular culture is the culture of the subordinated and disempowered and thus always bears within it signs of power relations” (Fiske, 1989). Indeed, as punk grew more hardcore in the 1980s, women were increasingly oppressed in this space — sexually harassed, heckled, and even violently pushed to the sidelines of shows by the violent “moshing” dance trend (Shrodes, 2012). As a subset of third-wave feminism, musicians like Hanna aimed to carve out a niche for women in this specific industry. They embraced the anti-establishment, anti-normative aesthetic of punk while simultaneously emphasizing a strong resistance to patriarchal standards and to traditional gender and sexuality norms (Shrodes, 2012). This power struggle manifests in the genre’s song lyrics, which often explored taboo topics of rape, domestic violence, abortion, eating disorders, sexuality, and more (Wright, 2016). During shows, performers would pass the microphone to audience members, very literally giving a voice to the frequently ignored or trivialized experiences of women (Wright, 2016). In these ways, Riot Grrrl highlighted the marginalization of women, using art as a medium to express power struggles and expose conflict.

Although Riot Grrrls resisted subordination to the mainstream — for example, by enforcing media blackouts — the subsequent commodification of this subculture most notably resulted in the mass production of “punk” clothing and the sudden popularity of girl groups in the late 1990s. Riot Grrrl fashion, similar to its music, evaded all gender conventions; it featured anything and everything: “schoolgirl skirts, babydoll dresses, oversized band tees, and grunge-inspired flannel shirts” (Jiji, 2021). Yet, with multi-million-dollar companies like Hot Topic and Urban Outfitters capitalizing on these styles and mass-producing their own version of the punk aesthetic, corporations have inadvertently erased the movement’s spirit of DIY. In his book, Fiske argues that manufacturers exploited the subculture surrounding jeans in their marketing strategies in order to target certain social groups; similarly, the fashion industry profited off Riot Grrrl by making them palatable and tame for mainstream audiences (Fiske, 1989). This widespread consumption of feminist punk extended to the music as well. With newer artists like The Spice Girls, Avril Lavigne, Pink, and Gwen Stefani self-identifying with the “girl power”, “pro-women” spirit of the Riot Grrrls — but doing so with the support of millions of dollars in marketing campaigns — they presented a new image of this subculture to the world: one that is white, heterosexual, and conventionally pretty (Spiers, 2015). Thus, commodifying “girl power” and bringing it from the margins into the mainstream ironically made the Riot Grrrl movement less inclusive for the marginalized groups that created them.

Overall, this transformation of feminist punk, specifically of the Riot Grrrl subculture, demonstrates the larger phenomenon of how mass consumption overshadowed subversive, radically-feminist messaging and instead reinforced societal constructs and norms. In her book Feminism and Pop Culture, Andi Zeisler, writer and co-founder of Bitch Media, questions the effectiveness of commercialized feminism: “is it liberation or co-optation? And does one necessarily cancel out the other? If feminist ideology and discourse are simply plugged into existing models, and if the basic message — in this instance, the message to buy stuff — remains the same, is it feminism?” (Zeisler, 2008). Although there might be power in marketing messages by women, about women, and for women, the transformation to mainstream drastically impacted the demographics of who these women are. The limited representation and production of feminist narratives in this newer era of Riot Grrrl ultimately resulted in inauthentic activism and explains the movement’s transience in popular culture: it had been quickly exploited, diminished, and frankly rewritten by a mainstream corporate agenda.


Bibliography

Fiske, J. (1989). The Jeaning of America. In Understanding Popular Culture (pp. 1–21). essay, 
Routledge. 

Hunt, E. (2019, August 27). A brief history of Riot Grrrl – the space-reclaiming 90s punk 
movement. NME. Retrieved from https://www.nme.com/blogs/nme-blogs/brief-history-riot-grrrl-space-reclaiming-90s-punk-movement-2542166 

Jiji, T. (2021, February 28). Before Girl Power Was Popular the Riot Grrrls Made it Punk. 
L'Officiel. Retrieved from https://www.lofficielusa.com/pop-culture/riot-grrrl-movement-history-punk-feminism

Shrodes, A. (2012). The ‘Race Riot’ Within and Without ‘The Grrrl One’: Ethnoracial Grrrl 
Zines’ Tactical Construction of Space (thesis). https://lsa.umich.edu/content/dam/english-assets/migrated/honors_files/A%20SHRODES
.pdf

Spiers, E. (2015). ‘Killing Ourselves is Not Subversive’: Riot Grrrl from Zine to Screen and the Commodification of Female Transgression. Women: A Cultural Review, 26(1-2), 1–21. 
https://doi.org/10.1080/09574042.2015.1035021

Wright, L. (2016). Do-it-yourself girl power: An examination of the Riot Grrrl subculture. James Madison Undergraduate Research Journal, 3(1), 52-56. Retrieved from
www.jmurj.edu/vol3/iss1/6/

Zeisler, A. (2008). Pop and Circumstance: Why Pop Culture Matters. In Feminism and pop 
culture (pp. 1–21). essay, Seal Press. 




Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Jamie Lee Prompt #5

David Dobrik is objectively one of the most recognized YouTubers of all time. He is known to dress in his signature monochromatic black outfit – consisting of a simple t-shirt, baseball cap, and pants. His viewers range mostly from teenagers to young adults who enjoy watching fun, energetic, and informal videos. Viewers often identify him with his distinctive segmented vlogging style – which includes pranks, elaborate parties, expensive gifts, celebrity appearances, various types of animals, montages, sponsored messages, and skits – that are always 4 minutes and 20 seconds long (with the exception of his older videos, his break up video, and his 420th video). His vlogs consist of 3 parts – an intro, outro, and the main segment – that revolves around the vibrant lives of him and his friends.           YouTube thrives on popular culture, which can be defined as content that is “widely favoured or well liked by many people” (Storey, 2009, p. 6). Many YouTubers s...

Isabella Whittaker Prompt #5

When I think of modern music videos today, my mind automatically goes to Olivia Rodrigo. At just 18 years old, Olivia gives us a glimpse into a new era of music video aesthetics, one that exhibits newer features of popular Gen z culture simultaneously paired with references to past objects of popular culture. The two music videos I have chosen to discuss are my personal favorites: “good for u” and “brutal”. Let’s start with a dissection of “good for u”. The music video opens with a montage of close ups of Olivia’s face as she applies makeup with several loud and interruptive camera shots of fire woven in, a kind of foreshadowing of something one will understand only at the video’s close. As the music begins, Olivia sits prim and proper, dressed in white and wearing a collared shirt. She maintains a calm appearance highly contrasting the lyrics of the song she is singing. As the video progresses and we begin to enjoy Olivia’s plan of revenge unfold, Olivia’s calm nature begins to slowly...

Tamara Wurman Prompt #1

What the Fork?: The Good Place as a Hybrid of High and Low Culture Eleanor Shelstrop lived a terrible life and behaved, by most standards, immorally. When she dies, she finds herself mistakenly in “The Good Place” (think: heaven) as a result of a clerical error. In an attempt to avoid being sent to her actual afterlife destination, the aptly named “Bad Place”, Eleanor asks one of her friends to teach her how to be a good person. So the show thus follows Eleanor as she tries to learn moral philosophy posthumously so she can fit in in the good place without being discovered as someone who doesn’t belong. While I could go on about the entertaining plot twists of Michael Schur’s NBC sitcom, The Good Place , and the hilarious, nail-biting inter-character dynamics, the philosophical undertones of the show also mark a fascinating intersection between “high” and “low” culture. Particularly in the scenes where the characters directly engage with well-renowned philosophi...